Carlos Giménez overshadows challengers with $316K haul in Q4 for CD 26 defense

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Republican U.S. Rep. Carlos Giménez added $316,000 toward his re-election bid in the final quarter of 2021, thanks to broad support from several industries with strong presences in Florida’s 26th Congressional District.

As of New Year’s Day, Giménez’s campaign held more than $1.06 million, according to his filings with the Federal Election Commission. The campaign spent about $99,000 between Oct. 1 and Dec. 31 and owes $70,000, the latest report shows.

A pair of Republican political newcomers, Jeremiah Schaffer and Ruth Swanson, have registered to oppose the former Miami-Dade County Mayor in the Aug. 23 Primary Election. Of the two, only Schaffer has added any money to his campaign coffers.

The Florida Division of Elections also lists Democrat Juan Paredes as a CD 26 candidate, but the FEC lists no record of him.

As was the case in Q3, Giménez’s greatest gains came from two joint fundraising committees he’s party to: Gimenez Victory Committee, which transferred nearly $71,000 to his campaign last quarter and about $205,000 this cycle; and Take Back the House 2022, which transferred $27,000 to his campaign last quarter and about $163,000 since November 2021.

Giménez accepted numerous individual donations, some as low as $50. Among them: a maxed-out $5,800 contribution — $2,900 apiece for the Primary and General elections — from former Miami City Commissioner Demetrio Perez Jr., who owns a private school chain and publishes the biweekly Newspaper LIBRE. That outlet’s racist and antisemitic content prompted an editorial reshuffling at the Miami Herald, which distributed the periodical as in insert in its Spanish-language sister paper.

South Florida’s robust real estate sector again gave generously. Developer Jeff Berkowitz, whose company built and manages more than 1.26 million square feet of commercial space, gave $5,800. So did Valls Group CEO Felipe Valls, and Darlene Pérez, the wife of billionaire developer Jorge Pérez.

Paul Steinfurth, CEO of Coral Gables-based Style Holdings LLC, gave $5,000. So did his wife, Lynn Steinfurth, and the president of Miami-based Rok Enterprises, Sergio Rok.

Jeff Koebel of North Miami real estate brokerage Montgomery & Koebel Inc. and his wife, Debra Koebel, each gave $2,900.

Luxury real estate firm Lombardi Properties and a political committee backing infrastructure consulting firm AECOM, which received numerous Miami-Dade contracts while Giménez was Mayor, donated $1,000 apiece.

Travel and transport businesses also chipped in heavily. Several people connected with Aventura-based commercial aircraft and engines investment firm Aviator Capital Management — including co-founders Jorge Wolf and Michael Reiter and their wives — gave $23,200 total, or $5,800 each.

Norwegian Cruise Line Holdings CEO Frank Del Rio and his wife, Marcia Del Rio, each gave $2,900, bringing their total donations this cycle to the maximum allowable amount.

Giménez also received $5,000 from an American Airlines political committee, $5,000 from the Transportation Intermediaries Association, $4,500 from the lobbying arm of FedEx Corp. and $4,000 from a political committee backing Atlas Air Worldwide Holdings, which has given $11,500 this cycle.

A Truck Rental and Leasing Association political committee donated $2,500, as did Robert Sanchez, the CEO of truck leasing and rental company Ryder.

UPS and Florida East Coast Industries PAC, which lobbies on behalf of the parent company of intercity commuter rail company, each gave $1,000.

From the legal, lobbying and government relations sector, none gave as much as New Jersey-based law firm McCarter & English. Giménez got $5,800 from the firm directly and another $11,600 from 24 lawyers it employs.

Manny Reyes, president of Pereira Reyes Consulting in Miami, donated $5,800. Brian Ballard of Tallahassee-based lobbying firm Ballard Partners gave $2,900. Lawyer Lincoln Díaz-Balart, a former U.S. Representative and the brother of Giménez ally Mario Díaz-Balart, contributed $1,000.

Bankers gave big too. Daniel Loeb, CEO of New York City-based investment adviser Third Point LLC, donated $5,800. Giménez received equal contributions from Lyman Dickerson of Miami-based BillFish investments and his wife, Joyce Dickerson.

Robert Reynolds of Putnam Investments and Thomas Smith of Prescott Investors each gave $2,900. Smith has given $5,800 this cycle.

The American Bankers Association doubled its previous donations this cycle with a $2,500 contribution last quarter.

Trade groups and unions were another significant funding source. The Automotive Free International Trade PAC, which represents car dealers, gave $5,000. The National Association of Mutual Insurance Companies donated $2,000.

The Air Line Pilots Association PAC, American Maritime Officer Voluntary Political Action Fund, Employees of Raytheon Technologies Corp., National Beer Wholesalers Association PAC, National Rural Electric Cooperative and Cigar PAC, which represents cigar retailers and manufacturers, each gave $2,500.

Jewish and Israel-supporting groups continued to sponsor Giménez. The Pro-Israel America PAC contributed nearly $9,000 last quarter through nine individual contributions. The Republican Jewish Coalition PAC, which endorsed Giménez in April 2021, gave $800 last quarter, a small portion of the nearly $21,000 it’s given him altogether.

Fellow politicians again threw their support his way. Giménez got $2,500 from a political committee backing Florida congressional candidate Jay Collins, $2,000 from a political committee supporting U.S. Rep. Victoria Spartz of Indiana and $1,000 apiece from groups fundraising for U.S. Rep. Chris Stewart of Utah, U.S. Rep. Doug Lamborn of Colorado and Texas Congressmen Brian Babin and Jake Ellzey.

Most of Giménez’s spending went to consulting firms. He paid Alexandria, Virginia-based Convert Digital about $33,000 for “digital consulting,” $29,000 to Miami-based Columbus Strategies for “fundraising consulting,” $14,000 to the Townsend Group for “fundraising consulting” and $4,000 to Professional Data Services for “compliance consulting.”

Buffalo-based Excelsior Strategies got about $1,200 for “digital marketing.” Coral Gables-based RHF Law Firm received about the same for “legal services.”

Giménez spent about $3,800 on travel and lodging.

He also paid $2,700 to the Republican Party of Miami-Dade and $2,250 to the Republican Party of Monroe County. Both were for “event sponsorship.”

While Schaffer is Giménez’s only opponent to report raising campaign funds, most of it has come from his own bank account.

A 22-year veteran of the U.S. Navy and current military aircraft contractor, according to his campaign website, Schaffer raised more than $18,000 last quarter. Of that, $16,100 was a self-loan.

He also received a $1,000 individual donation and $500 from Washington-based Patriot PAC.

Altogether, he held about $30,500 as of Dec. 31.

Schaffer spent about $19,000 last quarter. He paid $3,000 to West Virginia-based Krason & Wool Political Strategy Group for “campaign strategy consulting” and “reimbursement for campaign travel expenses.”

He paid another $3,000 to Key West Printing, $2,700 to California-based AnyPromo Inc. for “promotional items,” $1,700 to Key West-based Big Mama’s Alterations for “campaign promotional items” and $800 to Chicago-based 4Imprint Inc. for “printing.”

His filing includes $400 for Facebook ads, a $400 “campaign cell phone” payment to AT&T Wireless and $216 paid to Google for Google Workspace services.

He also paid $1,750 to the Monroe County Republican Executive Committee for an “event table” in Key West.

CD 26, which covers all of Monroe County and southwest Miami-Dade, has alternated blue and red since it was created in 2013 to reflect the 2010 Census.

Democrat Joe Garcia held the seat until 2015, when Republican Carlos Curbelo defeated him. Then Democrat Debbie Mucarsel-Powell unseated Curbelo in 2019. She lost to Giménez in November 2020 by 3.4 percentage points.

Florida lawmakers are now at work remapping the state’s congressional districts to reflect new Census data.