- Al Lawson
- Ander Crenshaw
- Angela Corey
- Ballard Partners
- Clay Yarborough
- Cord Byrd
- Corrine Brown
- Dick Kravitz
- Donnie Horner
- Fiorentino Group
- Jason Fischer
- john rutherford
- Kim Daniels
- Leslie Jean-Bart
- Melissa Nelson
- Reggie Fullwood
- Sam Mousa
- Sheri Treadwell
- Southern Strategy Group
- Terrance Freeman
- Tracie Davis
- Wes White
When 2016 kicked off, the world was different, and our political prognoses reflected those false assurances.
We didn’t imagine President Donald Trump on a national level. We figured Hillary Clinton would end up taking on Jeb Bush or Marco Rubio in the general election. And we expected the rhetoric would sound like the previous two or three campaigns.
Regarding #jaxpol, we had a pretty good idea of what was going to happen also.
We figured that Ander Crenshaw would return to Congress with little opposition. And that Corrine Brown would, perhaps, end up running for Congress again from the Orlando area.
We weren’t actually thinking about the pension reform referendum from Jacksonville’s mayor either. It hadn’t even been announced yet.
In other words: baseline conventional wisdom assumptions going into 2016 were shredded by reality.
My 2016 predictions fared no better than those above.
Prediction 1: I guaranteed that the Human Rights Ordinance would go to a referendum unless Mayor Lenny Curry stopped it.
There was lots of talk on the right about Bill Gulliford and his measure to push for a popular plebiscite on expanding protections against discrimination in jobs, housing, and public accommodations to the LGBT community.
Gulliford’s bill was filed as a response to Tommy Hazouri introducing a bill that would add the LGBT community to protected classes under the current ordinance.
It looked like a showdown was imminent. Then a slowdown happened.
Hazouri couldn’t get enough commitments to get the bill through and withdrew the bill.
Some say that he felt pressure to do so because of the pension reform referendum becoming the city’s focus, and no one wanting two confusing referendums on the ballot.
The reality, though; the votes weren’t there.
Prediction 2: I said that if the Hazouri version of the HRO passed, Jacksonville politics would be a circus through August.
That was a moot point, of course. Though given the freak show nature of Northeast Florida primaries up and down the ballot, the “circus” part of the prediction held true.
Prediction 3 ruled that Florida’s 5th Congressional District race will illustrate the GOP symbiosis with Corrine Brown.
“Expect Jacksonville Republicans to work, behind the scenes and otherwise, to ensure that Corrine Brown stays in CD 5 and maintains her seat. Undoubtedly, the converse will be true out west from Tallahassee Republicans. Lawson versus Brown will illustrate the dictum that all politics are local. Again,” I wrote a year ago.
This was written, of course, before Brown’s legal issues took center stage.
What ended up happening: Susie Wiles helped to show Lawson around town, including setting up an interview with the press. Denise Lee, a Democratic stalwart who works for Mayor Curry now, also helped. And even though Lawson wasn’t especially encyclopedic in his knowledge of Jacksonville issues, it didn’t really matter against a wounded incumbent in August.
And it didn’t matter in November, either, as Republican Glo Smith proved completely inept in maximizing any political advantages she might have had as the Jacksonville candidate.
Prediction 4 held that the Police and Fire Pension Fund drama would quiet down.
The reasoning: the lightning rod John Keane was no longer going to run the fund. Instead, Beth McCague would serve as a “cooler” as executive director.
The PFPF drama was quelled for much of the year. The unity push of Mayor Curry and the heads of the police and fire unions, vis-à-vis an extended push to sell the pension reform referendum bill in Tallahassee, and then with locals ahead of the referendum vote.
While things did get more interesting toward the end of the year, with a news cycle devoted to a $44 million “waiver” in pension costs, even that was muted by the city’s CFO saying that, given the larger scale of the $2.8 billion unfunded liability, the $44 million was a “hiccup.”
This prediction was less wrong than the previous three. For what that’s worth.
Unfortunately, Prediction 5 was also more right than it should have been.
We held that “UF Health’s funding woes” would still be “largely unaddressed” by year’s end.
And that, sadly, is true.
At the First Coast Legislative Delegation meeting at the end of November, CEO Russ Armistead urged the legislators not to be “embarrassed” to take federal money.
Armistead’s safety net hospital has been hamstrung both by the Obama/Rick Scott standoff on the Affordable Care Act, with Washington starving the Low-Income Pool — on which UF Health relies — of funds.
Armistead urged legislators to consider the continuation of the Low-Income Pool funding for uninsured patients, noting that the bulk of that money comes from intergovernmental transfers.
As well, he urged them to “support any federal program that will bring federal funds to Florida for health care,” saying that Florida has been “dramatically underfunded” for the last decade.
Armistead now has a new problem: the profitability of trauma centers.
UF Health’s unique value add as the only regional Level I trauma center has been challenged. And with that, adds Armistead, UF Health’s viability.
“Trauma was a losing business” years ago, Armistead said, but now “trauma is profitable.”
“I have 50 days of cash. So what will happen to us … I’ll be back in the newspaper saying we have to have additional funds,” Armistead added, “or drop to a Level 2.”
“If we don’t bring this trauma center expansion under control, I’ll be in financial trouble … and the quality won’t be as good as it was,” Armistead added.
Hopefully, President Trump can come through for UF Health. President Obama’s model did not.
Prediction 6 was a botch; “the right wing will turn on Lenny Curry” was the call.
That didn’t happen. Curry said HRO expansion wouldn’t be “prudent.” And that’s really all the social conservatives wanted him to say.
Prediction 7 was correct.
I posited that “Nikolai Vitti would have another tough year.”
And given the subtle attempt to get him to take his talents elsewhere by former Duval County School Board Chair Ashley Smith-Juarez, that prediction was on the nose.
Prediction 8 held that Jacksonville would explore privatizing some city services.
While those explorations may be happening, that didn’t quite come to pass as predicted.
Prediction 9 involved races for the state House getting interesting.
If only all the predictions were such slam dunks.
The internecine GOP warfare in House District 11 — when Donnie Horner turned his budget in the end toward knocking Sheri Treadwell out of the race — was interesting.
The same was true in HD 12, where the race between Clay Yarborough and Terrance Freeman became a proxy battle between outside groups and their mailers, with even the Florida Times-Union weighing in — twice — on the propriety of the mailpieces.
And in HD 13, where Tracie Davis lost the primary, but won the seat when Reggie Fullwood pleaded guilty to two felony counts and left his race for re-election in the ultimate October Surprise.
HD 14? That one saw Kim Daniels dismantle the best-laid plans of Leslie Jean-Bart and her activist young Democrat supporters. Like no other candidate this cycle, Daniels made distinctly local appeals in Northwest Jacksonville and won despite the kind of stories that would have sunk other campaigns.
And in HD 16, Jason Fischer dismantled Dick Kravitz, a political lifer whose last ride was squashed by Fischer, with assists from Tim Baker and Brian Hughes.
Prediction 9? On the nose.
Meanwhile, Prediction 10 — “Jax lobbyists will bear fruit” — was also on point.
They brought home 90 percent of the city’s appropriations asks and got the pension reform referendum through both houses and the governor in Tallahassee.
Not a bad ROI for $150,000. But when that money gets invested in Fiorentino Group, Southern Strategy Group, and Ballard Partners, you can expect that.
Prediction 10 was on point.
Meanwhile, Predictions 11 and 12 pointed to the perils of predicting primary elections eight months before they happened.
Prediction 11 was validated: “the Public Defender’s race would be one to watch.”
To win, “Shirk will have to go negative, somehow, but there are inherent risks in going negative against someone as respected as Cofer, especially when Cofer has an attack dog, in the form of John Daigle, who is always ready to counter-message.”
Shirk did go negative — calling Cofer a liberal Democrat or whatever.
It didn’t take.
The oppo dumps came in, time and again, against the hapless Shirk. In fact, even after the election, reporters were still fed stories about irregularities in the public defender’s office.
So far, so good.
Prediction 12, meanwhile, posited that the State Attorney’s race would be a snoozer.
At that point in late December, it was the Punch and Judy act from Angela Corey and Wes White. If Melissa Nelson was listening to “Fight Song,” it was on her morning run.
But still! We got it wrong — bigly.
We wrote that “in Jacksonville, the political reality is that Corey is one of the most powerful and respected people in public service, able to work symbiotically with law enforcement and City Hall.”
We didn’t count on Corey collapsing under the weight of her own hubris, symbolized by one of her henchmen driving to Tallahassee to file an opponent’s paperwork to close the primary, even as issues with staff donations and her retirement nest egg became campaign issues.
So, how did the 2016 predictions go?
We got six right. We got six wrong.
A 6-6 record is good enough for a college football bowl appearance.
But there’s definitely room for improvement.
The 2017 predictions surface later this week; we will see if that record improves … or gets even worse.